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Published in: BMC Public Health 1/2019

Open Access 01-12-2019 | Research article

Street-level diplomacy and local enforcement for meat safety in northern Tanzania: knowledge, pragmatism and trust

Authors: T. A. Hrynick, V. Barasa, J. Benschop, S. Cleaveland, J. A. Crump, M. Davis, B. Mariki, B. T. Mmbaga, N. Mtui-Malamsha, G. Prinsen, J. Sharp, E. Sindiyo, E. S. Swai, K. M. Thomas, R. Zadoks, L. Waldman

Published in: BMC Public Health | Issue 1/2019

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Abstract

Background

With increasing demand for red meat in Tanzania comes heightened potential for zoonotic infections in animals and humans that disproportionately affect poor communities. A range of frontline government employees work to protect public health, providing services for people engaged in animal-based livelihoods (livestock owners and butchers), and enforcing meat safety and food premises standards. In contrast to literature which emphasises the inadequacy of extension support and food safety policy implementation in low- and middle-income countries, this paper foregrounds the ‘street-level diplomacy’ deployed by frontline actors operating in challenging contexts.

Methods

This research is based on semi-structured interviews with 61 government employees, including livestock extension officers/meat inspectors and health officers, across 10 randomly-selected rural and urban wards.

Results

Frontline actors combined formal and informal strategies including the leveraging of formal policy texts and relationships with other state employees, remaining flexible and recognising that poverty constrained people’s ability to comply with health regulations. They emphasised the need to work with livestock keepers and butchers to build their knowledge to self-regulate and to work collaboratively to ensure meat safety. Remaining adaptive and being hesitant to act punitively unless absolutely necessary cultivated trust and positive relations, making those engaged in animal-based livelihoods more open to learning from and cooperating with extension officers and inspectors. This may result in higher levels of meat safety than might be the case if frontline actors stringently enforced regulations.

Conclusion

The current tendency to view frontline actors’ partial enforcement of meat safety regulations as a failure obscures the creative and proactive ways in which they seek to ensure meat safety in a context of limited resources. Their application of ‘street-level diplomacy’ enables them to be sensitive to local socio-economic realities, to respect local social norms and expectations and to build support for health safety interventions when necessary. More explicitly acknowledging the role of trust and positive state-society relations and the diplomatic skills deployed by frontline actors as a formal part of their inspection duties offers new perspectives and enhanced understandings on the complicated nature of their work and what might be done to support them.
Appendix
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Footnotes
1
LEOs, officially known as Livestock Field Officers (LFOs), typically receive a diploma in animal health or production at a specialised livestock training institute [25]. HOs are trained in the monitoring and management of disease outbreaks and communicable diseases
 
2
In some cases – such as with LEOs and community volunteers – there was more than one individual holding a particular position. The decision who to interview was made by the ward-level head of the relevant department. For instance, a lead LEO appointed a colleague, while HOs appointed particular community volunteers from their wards.
 
3
The majority of red meat butchers in Tanzania, and much of East Africa, are male. This stems from long-standing cultural traditions stipulating that men are the owners, managers and handlers of cattle.
 
4
Two interview schedules were used, covering the same topics but tailored to the respondents’ roles (either technical or administrative/elected). See Additional file 1 and Additional file 2
 
5
Slaughterhouses are enclosed or roofed buildings, and are generally larger than slabs. They tend to operate in more systematic and formal ways, and have more developed infrastructure (drainage systems and running water) and equipment (such as hooks). Slaughterhouses are not, however, as highly formal or mechanized as abattoirs, such as the main facility in Arusha [53].
 
6
Although not officially required, Regional and District Commissioners were reported to have insisted on glass windows because of the visibility offered and ease of cleaning.
 
7
During community hygiene inspections, HOs scrutinise neighbourhoods, examining sanitation and the conditions animals are kept in.
 
8
Unsafe meat or animal carcasses were buried with lime and kerosene in serious cases. Sometimes, such as in anthrax cases, the buried carcass was fenced off to discourage animals from unearthing it.
 
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Metadata
Title
Street-level diplomacy and local enforcement for meat safety in northern Tanzania: knowledge, pragmatism and trust
Authors
T. A. Hrynick
V. Barasa
J. Benschop
S. Cleaveland
J. A. Crump
M. Davis
B. Mariki
B. T. Mmbaga
N. Mtui-Malamsha
G. Prinsen
J. Sharp
E. Sindiyo
E. S. Swai
K. M. Thomas
R. Zadoks
L. Waldman
Publication date
01-12-2019
Publisher
BioMed Central
Published in
BMC Public Health / Issue 1/2019
Electronic ISSN: 1471-2458
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1186/s12889-019-7067-8

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