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Published in: Globalization and Health 1/2019

Open Access 01-12-2019 | Public Health | Editorial

Trade, investment and public health: compiling the evidence, assembling the arguments

Author: Ronald Labonté

Published in: Globalization and Health | Issue 1/2019

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Abstract

Trade has long been an axiomatic characteristic of globalization, although international rules governing trade are of more recent vintage. Notably in the post-World War II period, an ever increasing number of countries began negotiating treaties to reduce, first, tariff barriers and, later, non-tariff barriers (government measures of any sort) that could impede the cross-border flow of goods. The rationale, in part, was that countries that became more entwined economically would be less likely to go to war with each other. It wouldn’t be in their own economic interests to do so, or at least that of the firms based within their borders but engaged in transnational trade and dependent upon global supply chains. At first primarily an undertaking of developed (high-income) countries, developing (low and middle-income countries) slowly enjoined in what, in 1995, became the World Trade Organization. The WTO locked in scheduled declines in tariffs (border taxes), albeit with lesser obligations on developing country members (a problematic nomenclature given the vast geographic, economic, and development differences between such countries, but which nonetheless persists within the WTO). Importantly, a slew of new agreements that coincided with the establishment of the WTO also sought to liberalize trade in services (not just goods) (The General Agreement on Trade in Services), create new rules for agricultural trade (Agreement on Agriculture), expand intellectual property rights protections (The Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights), limit trade-distorting government subsidies (Agreement on Subsidies and Countervailing Measures), and ensure that government food, health, or environmental regulations would not pose an unnecessary barrier to trade (the Technical Barriers to Trade and the Sanitary and Phytosanitary Measures Agreements). Outside of the WTO system, bilateral or regional investment treaties granting special rights to foreign investors to sue governments for actions perceived to affect the value of their investment (such as direct expropriation or passage of new laws and regulations considered ‘tantamount to expropriation’) similarly exploded in number, dispute frequency, and the size of monetary claims. The breadth and depth of these post-1995 Agreements meant that few areas of general public health concern are potentially untouched.
Footnotes
1
National treatment, or non-discrimination, requires countries to treat imported goods no differently than it does their own domestically-produced goods. Most favoured nation means that the best tariffs schedules offered to any other country that is part to the trade treaty must be extended to all other member countries, although some exemptions are allowed for preferential market access for goods from least-developed or low-income developing countries.
 
2
One example of this is the US demand under a renegotiated NAFTA that a fixed percentage (40–45%) of vehicle content manufactured in Mexico (and integral to the North American automotive supply chain) exported to the USA must be made in factories paying workers at least US $16/h. Although this demand could help to increase Mexican labour rates (with positive health externalities), it could also increase unemployment with manufacturers unable to meet the higher costs except through rapid automation and labour force reductions. Importantly, the rationale for this demand was not to improve livelihoods for Mexicans, but to protect manufacturing for US auto workers [48].
 
3
The well-known challenges to Australia’s plain-packaging legislation came from two directions. The first, invoking a bilateral investment treaty, involved tobacco transnationals and was led by Philip Morris International, which attempted to sue the Australian government. It was later dismissed on procedural grounds by a tribunal. The second saw five member states of the WTO launch a formal trade dispute (similarly dismissed by a tribunal). Although these challenges were unsuccessful, they did ‘chill’ the plain-packaging norm cascade for several years, with some unsuccessful WTO countries continuing to argue that plain packaging regulations lack any evidence of effect, unfairly discriminate against their tobacco products, and was damaging to their overall economic development [49].
 
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Metadata
Title
Trade, investment and public health: compiling the evidence, assembling the arguments
Author
Ronald Labonté
Publication date
01-12-2019
Publisher
BioMed Central
Keyword
Public Health
Published in
Globalization and Health / Issue 1/2019
Electronic ISSN: 1744-8603
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1186/s12992-018-0425-y

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