Abstract
Over the years, I have been impressed at the number of Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) leaders and activists who describe popular participation (more often than not, exemplified with a reference to the Orçamento Participativo (OP) in terms of the well-known Christian parable: “You can give a poor man a fish today and he will be hungry tomorrow, or you can teach him to fish and he will never be hungry again.” As discussed in chapters three and four, popular participation is said to engender empowerment: as the poor and otherwise excluded/disengaged majority take part in processes of decision-making and policy implementation that improve their lives and that of their communities, they are able to see themselves as agents in their own self-improvement and not mere supplicants of generally inadequate and ultimately demobilizing “gifts from on high.”1 They are able to see themselves, in other words, as bearers of human and political rights. For an individual’s empowerment to be effective, however, PT leaders are quick to point out that empowerment has both an individual and a collective dimension. The transformation of the individual as summarized earlier cannot bear fruit without the necessary collective dimension of political engagement. Empowerment therefore explicitly assumes an acceptance of the responsibility of active democratic citizenship: since one has acquired the consciousness to act, one is obligated to use that consciousness in the continuing struggle against economic inequality, political authoritarianism, paternalism, and other forms of oppression.
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Notes
This latter claim is certainly true in the United States. Referring to a 1995 study by Verba, Schlozman, and Brady, Dalton argues that, “Higher-status individuals, especially the better educated, are more likely to have the time, the money, the access to political information, the knowledge, and the ability to become politically involved” (Dalton [2002], 47). See also Ram A. Cnaan, “Neighborhood-Representing Organizations: How Democratic Are They?” The Social Service Review, 65 (December 1991): 614–634.
Held (1996), 268. Held refers to Carole Pateman, Participation and Democratic Theory (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970), chapters two and six;
Robert A. Dahl, A Preface to Economic Democracy (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1985), note 95; and
D. Held and Christopher Pollitt, eds., New Forms of Democracy (London: Sage, 1986).
The lack of a before-after comparison constitutes the major problem with the otherwise excellent study of BH’s OP found in Mercês Somarriba and Otavio Dulci, “Primeiro Relatório de Atividades da Pesquisa ‘Avalicação da Experiência de Implantação e Atuação de Foruns de Participação Popular na Administração Municipal de Belo Horizonte-Período 1993–1996’” (Belo Horizonte: mimeo, 1995).
Gay (1994); and Rebecca Abers, “Inventing Local Democracy: Neighborhood Organizing and Participatory Policy-Making in Porto Alegre, Brazil” (PhD Dissertation, Department of Urban Planning, University of California at Los Angeles, Los Angeles, CA, 1997), 99–100 and 135–153.
John R. Baker, “Citizen Participation and Neighborhood Organizations,” Urban Affairs Review, 30 (1995): 880–887.
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© 2003 William R. Nylen
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Nylen, W.R. (2003). Examining the Claims of Proponents of the Participatory Budget. In: Participatory Democracy versus Elitist Democracy: Lessons from Brazil. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781403980304_6
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