Abstract
Cultural identity – who the Fulani think they are – informs thinking onillnesses they suffer. Conversely, illness, so very prevalent insub-Saharan Africa, provides Fulani with a constant reminder of theirdistinctive condition in Guinea. How they approach being ill also tellsFulani about themselves. The manner in which Fulani think they are sickexpresses their sense of difference from other ethnic groups. Schemas ofillness and of collective identity draw deeply from the same well andweb of thoughts. Three different approaches of schema theory are used totrace what ties illness to identity. These are 1) the schema asprototype; 2) a connectionist approach associates schemas for illnesswith other cultural schemas; and 3) a hierarchy of schemas. Thehierarchy includes master schemas for ethnic identity, schemas forillness generally and sub-schemas for separate ailments. Schemas orientand provide a framework for the practice of being Fulani – in the sensethat Bourdieu would describe practice as the application of practicalknowledge. Illnesses above the waist are said to be part of the Fulanicondition of belonging in arid climates while they need suffer thehumidity of Guinea. Illnesses below the waist are thought to arise whenone does not act like a Fulani, especially in matters of food and sex.As individuals disclose or conceal illness, as they discuss illness andthe problem of others they reflect standards of Fulani life – beingstrong of character not necessarily of body, being disciplined,rigorously Moslem, and leaders among lessors. To disregard standards orto suggest one does not care about such standards is shameful and placesone out of phase with others and with cultural norms. But to be in stepwith others and with cultural norms is to have pride in the self and thefoundations of Fulani life.
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Gordon, A.J. Cultural Identity and Illness: Fulani Views. Cult Med Psychiatry 24, 297–330 (2000). https://doi.org/10.1023/A:1005677825795
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1023/A:1005677825795